384
pages, Hill and Wang, ISBN-13: 978-0809080618
A
lot of myths surround the American founding, and it is not uncommon for many to
see a continuum from the Declaration to the Constitution with liberty, freedom,
and democracy being solidified along the way. But the exhilaration and
potential for empowerment felt in 1776 had largely dissipated by the middle
1780s, as well as the commonality of purpose between elites and the (largely)
unwashed masses. The defeat of Britain brought with it economic and political
discord. Unruly Americans and the Origins
of the Constitution discusses at length the economic hard times that were pervasive
in the 13 States dating at least from the last battle of the Revolutionary War
in 1781, the attempts to deal with those problems ranging from self-help to
legislation, and the impact of those developments on calling for a
constitutional convention and the subsequent provisions of the US Constitution.
The
states under the Articles of Confederation were not on a sound financial
footing when the War broke out. The currency, certificates, bonds, etc., that
were issued to pay soldiers and buy supplies greatly depreciated over the next
several years; in addition, the hard money supply dried up. Upon discharge,
soldiers were forced to sell their certificates at steep discounts to
speculators. Both creditors and bondholders insisted on payment of debts and
interest on bonds. State governments raised taxes primarily to pay that
interest. Farmers and artisans (especially in light of a lack of circulating
currency) were faced with both debts and taxes that they could not pay.
Widespread foreclosures and confiscation of property administered by local
sheriffs were the result. But those middling folks felt more victimized than
deficient in compliance. The huge rate of return that speculators got on
discounted bonds was especially irksome. The people living mostly in the
western part of the states forcibly obstructed courts, sheriffs, and auctions
and demanded that legislatures give some measure of debt and tax relief, as
well as reintroduce paper money. Shays’ Rebellion in Massachusetts in 1786-87
is the foremost example of citizen self-help.
The
ineffectualness of the Articles of Confederation, coupled with what elites saw
as irresponsibility and too much democracy on the part of average people and
state assemblies, precipitated a constitutional convention in May, 1787. The
author discusses the balancing act of the elites of the Convention (virtually
all lawyers, merchants and large landowners) in curtailing democracy while
appearing to secure it. For example, the provision for people electing members
of the lower house of Congress was offset by large electoral districts, which
diminishes the potential impact of interest groups (like debt-ridden farmers).
Although states could no longer issue currency or give relief to debtors, the
newly established right of the federal government to collect import taxes
greatly reduced onerous individual tax burdens. Most of the Convention
delegates were more concerned with what provisions could get through the state
ratifying conventions, than any particular concern for democracy.
The
book is a corrective to the usual discussions on the Constitution making
process. The author is not concerned with day-to-day Convention affairs, but
rather with the underlying economic and political situation leading to the
Convention and the general thinking of the delegates. The detailing of the
financial hard times consumes much of the book but is a bit muddled, scattered,
and repetitious, but nonetheless is informative. Also, it seems that the author
overstates the impact that the people had on the final version of the
Constitution, despite any unruliness. The founders actually made few
concessions to democracy. The anti-Federalists hardly took up the cause of
democracy; they were from the same class as the Federalists, but preferred to exercise
their power on a state level.
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