160 pages, W.W.
Norton & Co., ISBN-13: 978-0393033809
The Disuniting of
America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society by Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. is
from way back in…1992, just when I was discovering my political philosophy; as
such it was a real eye-opener to the manner in which the modern American Left
thinks and operates, for though it is a quarter of a century old (!), the
arguments and warnings put forward within its covers are, sadly, only all too
relevant. Schlesinger’s eminence as an historian wasn’t enough to protect him,
or his book, from the usual smears, as it was such an uncompromising look at
the fraud of multiculturalism and Afrocentrism that he and it had to be
destroyed (See? Some things never change). While (sadly) predictable, the
hostile response to The Disuniting of
America was particularly discouraging, for it is difficult to imagine a
book expressing greater compassion for the racial frustrations that Schlesinger
saw as fueling Afrocentrism or greater candor about the past injustices of
American society and historiography – and if a card-carrying liberal like
Schlesinger could be denounced as nothing more than a neo-Nazi propagandist
(the man was the court-historian for the Kennedy Administration, fer chrissake!)
than any possibility for a good-faith discussion has been strangled in its crib.
Schlesinger’s
thesis is that the “Cult of Ethnicity” that has commandeered the universities
of the Western World imperils the very basis of the American experiment, for although
multiculturalists may think they own the patent on “diversity”, Schlesinger
shows that this so-called diversity that they peddle has been America’s
trademark since its very inception; America’s unique admixture of peoples has
prompted both native-born and foreign observers to ask: “What can hold so
variegated a nation together?” From the 18th to the 20th
Centuries the answer has remained constant: the “American Creed”, for as Gunnar
Myrdal, the notable Swedish economist wrote in 1944, Americans hold in common
“the most explicitly expressed system of general ideals” of any country in the
West: the ideals of equality and the inalienable rights to freedom, justice,
and opportunity. It is adherence to those ideals, not one’s race, original
nationality, or ethnicity, that makes one an American. Today, says Schlesinger,
the American identity is in jeopardy as multiculturalism and Afrocentrism
elevate the racial and ethnic identities of various and competing groups over everyone’s
natural national affiliation. At the end of this road, he warns, lie Yugoslavia
and other contemporary battlegrounds of racial and ethnic separatism. While the
analogy may seem a touch overwrought, there can be no question that
multiculturalists are playing with weapons that can wreak havoc on our already
inadequate schools, our social structure and economy.
In
defense of their policies, multiculturalists routinely cite the sins of the
European “canon” against which they are rebelling, an allegedly monolithic,
exclusive, and intellectually repressive structure which, in the words of a
leading Afrocentrist, is “killing [black] children, killing their minds”.
Western culture as a whole, they add, is the world’s leading source of racism,
imperialism, sexism, and all-around nastiness. Yet as Schlesinger points out,
the Western canon – a fluid, immensely complex cultural inheritance that
contains voices of rage and protest as well as voices of celebration and
devotion – is precisely what has inspired the great black political theorists
and philosophers, not to mention innumerable critics of the West both white and
black. And though Schlesinger can be severe about the West’s failure to live up
to its ideals, including the treatment of blacks and other minorities, he is
scathing on the relative merits of other cultures compared with ours:
There is surely no reason for
Western civilization to have guilt trips laid on it by champions of cultures
based on despotism, superstition, tribalism, and fanaticism. In this regard the
Afrocentrists are especially absurd. The West needs no lectures on the superior
virtue of those “sun people” who sustained slavery until Western imperialism
abolished it (and, it is reported, sustain it to this day in Mauritania and the
Sudan), who still keep women in subjection and cut off their clitorises, who
carry out racial persecutions not only against Indians and other Asians but
against fellow Africans from the wrong tribes, who show themselves either
incapable of operating a democracy or ideologically hostile to the democratic
idea, and who in their tyrannies and massacre, their Idi Amins and Boukassas,
have stamped with utmost brutality on human rights.
The
eloquence and erudition of The Disuniting
of America make its hostile reception all the more disturbing. Reading this
book, one is torn between admiration for its arguments and the sad conviction
that they are utterly futile. To warn against the dissolution of our common
national ideals and our common culture holds little threat for people who
claim, however speciously, that they never shared those ideals and were never
part of that culture. One of the most pernicious effects of multiculturalism
has been to destroy the linguistic ground necessary to debate it. For such a
debate would have to invoke terms like “we” and “commonality”. Yet
multiculturalists reject any such appeal to an American “we” as an act of
imperialist violence. The only language that remains is that of an increasingly
narrow “us” versus an increasingly alien “them” – and this is the language of
civil war.
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