328 pages, Penguin
Books Signet Classics, ISBN-13: 978-0451524935
There
are times when I am up in the middle of the night and think about George Orwell
– it’s not what you think – and wonder: Just
what would he think of us and the world we have created? Perhaps he would
ask out loud, “How did I get it so wrong? The world hasn’t been divided into
three totalitarian superstates, the privation and rationing of postwar Britain
was not standardized by any Soviet-style central planning and labor camps and
censorship are not the norm” – at least, not yet. Perhaps our awoken Orwell
would see more parallels between our brave new world and Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World (reviewed on May 20th, 2022), what
with its and our legions of tranquil populations of pretty people living in a
pleasing drug-and-sex induced semi-coma. And knowing what Orwell knew about
real poverty, he could hardly fail to observe that the underclass of today’s Britain
lives in relative splendor. Infectious diseases all but wiped out? High living
standards? Daily showers? Compared even to middle-class people of his day, the
average council-flats resident has comforts and leisure opportunities beyond
measure. He needn’t spend twelve hours a day at harsh labor; he needn’t
necessarily work at all. What Orwell hoped socialism would achieve has instead
been delivered by a capitalist-funded welfare state. You’re…welcome?
None
of this could have been foreseen in 1984,
Orwell’s dystopian social science fiction novel in which so many now well-worn
terms were first introduced: Big Brother,
doublethink, Thought Police, thoughtcrime,
Newspeak, memory hole, 2 + 2 = 5, proles, Two Minutes Hate, telescreen,
Room 101 and, of course, Orwellian. Orwell once defined himself
as a democratic-socialist in the essay Why
I Write (published in the Summer 1946 edition of “Gangrel”), and he could
write caustically about his former associates, as he did in this passage from
his 1937 book The Road to Wigan Pier:
“’Socialism’ and ‘Communism’ draw towards them with magnetic force every
fruit-juice drinker, nudist, sandal-wearer, sex-maniac, Quaker, ‘Nature Cure’
quack, pacifist, and feminist in England” (no wonder Orwell left). This is hard
to square with the writer of perhaps the most famous book to stand athwart
history, yelling Stop, but there we have it. And who better than a former
Socialist to give warning about what his compadres
were really about? Who better than an insider to tell you what is happening on
the inside? Throughout 1984 we are
witnesses to what to the radical left must seem like Heaven but which to
everyone else can only be described as Hell: Surveillance, Futurology and
Nationalism, although of a twisted kind that involves an obsessive sense of
loyalty to some real-world entity; in this case, Big Brother.
All
done in the name of The People, of course. Orwell thought of the People as
decent enough, but he’d be baffled to observe today that the welfare state has
created a class of lay-abouts who, liberated from economic anguish, shackle
themselves to screens, drugs, alcohol and, in our modern world, technological
terrors like the Internet. But considering the breadth of Orwell’s political
thinking, it’s a matter of pure conjecture trying to decide just where on the
political spectrum he’d be most at home today. Not, I think, as a Socialist,
for his particular brand of socialism was primarily a response to the severe privation
he suffered from while young. Rather, I would think that the modern Welfare State’s
conquering of most brutal poverty would, I think, fire up the Tory side of
Orwell: “Why” he would no doubt ask “does no one care about Character anymore?
Should the state subsidize endless self-indulgence? Why do all of the
enlightened liberals think that there should be no strings attached to welfare
payments?” In Orwell’s essay on Kipling (published in the February 1942 edition
of “Horizon”) he said that “‘Enlightened’ people seldom or never possess a
sense of responsibility”, so perhaps he wouldn’t be at all surprised at today’s
domineering all-for-nothing ethos, for his bleak vision of this future – this Futurology,
as he called it – was as chilling as one could imagine:
There will be no curiosity, no
enjoyment of the process of life. All competing pleasures will be destroyed.
But always…always there will be the intoxication of power, constantly
increasing and constantly growing subtler. Always, at every moment, there will
be the thrill of victory, the sensation of trampling on an enemy who is
helpless. If you want a picture of the future, imagine a boot stamping on a
human face – forever.
I
also believe that the Left’s speech codes would make Orwell rethink his socialist
instincts, for one of the most notable themes in 1984 is censorship, especially in the Ministry of Truth where
photographs and public archives are manipulated to rid them of “unpersons”,
those people who have been erased from history by the Party. On telescreens
almost all figures of production are grossly exaggerated, or simply fabricated
to indicate an ever-growing economy, even during times when the reality is the
opposite. This is especially poignant, for Orwell once associated Socialism
with freedom of speech and believed that it was critical to his support for the
movement, as he wrote in Why I join the
I.L.P. [Independent Labour Party] (published in the June 24th, 1938
edition of “New Leader”): “And the only regime which, in the long run, will
dare to permit freedom of speech is a socialist regime. If Fascism triumphs I
am finished as a writer”. Today, though, it is evident that the impulse to
restrict speech is primarily a phenomenon of the Left, for so much speech runs
afoul of the Left’s chief obsession, which is international identity politics.
That same imperative is why the Left is suspicious of patriotism and why it is
such a laughingstock in the book, with love of country replaced by perpetual
hatred of fictitious boogeymen and the way in which allies are abandoned and taken
up with lightning speed.
The
private life is gone in 1984, as houses
and apartments are equipped with telescreens so one may be watched or listened
to at any time. Similar telescreens are found at workstations and in public
places, along with hidden microphones, the reading of mail, the employment of
undercover agents and even the use of children to spy on their own parents. All
done by the best and brightest to help the poor and downtrodden, of course. In The Lion and the Unicorn (published in
the February 19th, 1941 edition of “Searchlight Books”), Orwell
writes of the “insularity” of his countrymen and the “[i]ntellectuals who have
tried to break it down have generally done more harm than good. At bottom it is
the same quality in the English character that repels the tourist and keeps out
the invader”. Also in The Road to Wigan
Pier, Orwell says that “I worked out an anarchistic theory that all
government is evil, and that the punishment always does more harm than the
crime and the people can be trusted to behave decently if you will only let
them alone” (Good Lord; Orwell was a Reaganite), or again when he wrote in Politics in the English Language (published
in the April 1946 edition of “Horizon”): “In our age there is no such thing as
‘keeping out of politics’”. The Left’s present tendency to politicize
everything would have simply horrified him.